Tuesday, 19 January 2016

I do not believe Gumnami Baba was Netaji in disguise

Netaji and an artist's impression of Gumnami Baba

Seventy years and many inquiry commissions later, the disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose still remains a mystery to the public. To the Government of India, and to the Governments of the UK, US, Russia and Japan, information necessary to close the case may be available. So far such information has been kept secret. In recent times faced with the growing demand for declassification of documents related to Bose, the West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee took the lead by releasing the secret files on Netaji held by the state, though the mystery has not yet been solved. Subsequently PM Narendra Modi also announced that the secret files on Netaji held by the Centre would be declassified. He further said that he would request foreign Governments to declassify files on Netaji available with them beginning with Russia during his visit in December 2015. Although till now there is no word from the PM or his office about the outcome of his recent trip to Russia regarding this issue, the nation eagerly waits for 23rd January 2016 when the process of declassification of files relating to Netaji by the Central Government is supposed to begin. Will the mystery be solved or the will the truth continue to remain elusive? As of now the dominant hypotheses about what may have happened to Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose are as follows -
  1. Netaji died in a plane crash on 18 August 1945
  2. Netaji had reached Soviet Union where he was imprisoned and his life ended in a Siberian prison
  3. Netaji mysteriously returned to India and remained as a recluse monk named Bhagwanji aka Gumnami Baba and died of natural causes on 16 September 1985
  4. Netaji mysteriously returned to India and remained as a recluse monk named Bhagwanji aka Gumnami Baba till 16 September 1985 and disappeared again and he is still alive
It is a matter of common sense that ONLY ONE of the above theories can be correct.

The first theory is the officially accepted line till now that Netaji's death occurred on 18 August 1945, when a Japanese plane carrying him crashed in Taihoku in Japanese-occupied Taiwan.

The second theory suggests that the story of his death was trumped up and that he had left for Soviet Union. There are indications that he may have been held in captivity and subsequently transferred to a Siberian prison camp where he breathed his last many years later.

The third and the fourth theories suggest that following his disappearance after the alleged plane crash and his 'friendly stay' in Soviet Union, he dabbled in world politics in several countries while remaining incognito and then came back to India and lived behind a curtain as Bhagwanji aka Gumnami Baba for 30 years. He moved from place to place and finally reached Faizabad in Uttar Pradesh. According to the third theory Gumnami Baba died on 16 September 1985 whereas the fourth one suggests that he disappeared again but is still alive and may reappear at an opportune time.

The plane crash theory propagated by the Nehruvians has been contested by generations of Indians who have refused to accept it and has also been debunked by Justice Mukherjee Commission of Inquiry (JMCI) whose investigation in Taiwan showed that there was no plane crash on that day. The rejection of this theory forms the basis for the movement by people demanding the declassification of secret Netaji files. The theory that Netaji died in a Siberian prison may sound horrendous but cannot be ignored. In my opinion the Bhagwanji or Gumnami Baba theories simply do not add up though I am not willing to go into their further analysis as this is not the right time to do so.

Whistle-blower and now deceased diplomat and Congress MP Dr. Satyanarayan Sinha had suggested in his book titled 'Netaji Rahasya' (Netaji Mystery) that Netaji may have been languishing in a Siberian prison on the basis of the private investigation carried out by him. He visited Taipei in 1964 to probe Netaji's alleged death and concluded that there was no plane crash on 18 August 1945 and the Japanese intelligence had provided photos of a previous plane crash on 23 October 1944 at Taipei to Habibur to substantiate his story. He took dozens of photographs of the alleged crash site and runway to refute the plane crash theory. He had termed the Shahnawaz Committee report as absurd, misleading and a dirty paper. He claimed that Netaji had reached Dairen safely on 18 August 1945 where he remained till 1949. He further claimed that he had seen a photograph of Netaji in disguise of a Confucian monk named Tao Lin at Dairen port taken secretly from a distance with telelens in the summer of 1949. According to his source Netaji initially wanted to establish contact with Aleksandr Vasilevsky, the Commander-in-Chief of Soviet Forces in the Far East to seek Soviet Union's support for his struggle. But in view of the atrocities committed by invading Soviet troops who indiscriminately looted, raped and killed civilians in Dairen, he may have changed his mind. Netaji knew that if he fell into the hands of the local Soviet secret police he could get executed before any word reached higher authorities in Moscow. Hence he waited for external assistance but that was in vain as Dairen port went under Soviet control and leaving Dairen or communicating with the outer world became difficult. As the Chinese Communists occupied Dairen after the defeat of the Chinese Nationalists in 1949, the Soviets came to know about Netaji and captured him. Since Japan's surrender, the Chinese Nationalists were in control of Formosa till 1949. Had Nehru been interested to investigate Netaji's alleged death in the plane crash, he could have personally taken up the matter with Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek with whom he shared a good rapport and the truth would have emerged.

Dr. Satyanarayan Sinha claimed that he met Georgy Mukherji aka Goga, the son of Abani Mukherji and his Russian wife Rosa Fitingov during his visit to East Berlin in 1954. He was an admirer and follower of Indian revolutionaries Viren Chattopadhyaya and Abani Mukherji and used to meet them frequently. He claimed that Goga had told him that Abani Mukherji did not fall victim to Stalin's Great Purge. He claimed that Goga told him that Netaji and Abani Mukherji were imprisoned in cell numbers 45 and 57 respectively of Yakutsk prison in Siberia. Abani Mukherji had originally come to know that Netaji was kept in Yakutsk prison from other war time political prisoners who returned to Moscow after being released from Siberia in the 1950s. He wrote to Stalin praying for Netaji's release offering his clarification that he was a true patriot whose prime objective was to carry on India's freedom struggle with external support and it would be unfair to treat him as a German or Japanese stooge. However Stalin seemed to have got antagonised considering his plea as Fascist logic and the very next day the Soviet secret police arrested Abani Mukherji and packed him off to Siberia. He claimed that he had asked Goga whether he was sure about the information. Goga asserted that Mazut, a member of the Comintern's Indian section, who was sent to Yakutsk prison on charges of being a Trotskyist and released after Stalin's death, also told him that Netaji and Abani Mukherji were imprisoned there in cell numbers 45 and 57 respectively. After returning to India, he wrote a letter to Nehru about his findings on Netaji but never got a reply.

Dr. Satyanarayan Sinha went to Moscow in the summer of 1955 and continued with his probe to find that there was a prevailing opinion that Netaji was a Fascist who was secretly brought to Berlin to work as an agent of the Nazis and keep India under the German sphere of influence. He was told by his source that such opinion was formed on the basis of reports submitted by Soviet intelligence agents and Indian Communists as well as statements made by some top Indian Congress leaders. It was even propagated that the Indian Legion was trained by followers of Andrey Vlasov, a Soviet Army General who had collaborated with the Nazis during the WWII, with an intention to attack Soviet Union. So when the Chinese Communists informed the Soviets about Netaji's presence in Dairen, they arrested him. Netaji was interrogated by Soviet intelligence agent Akimov in Manchuria who reported him as an ally of the German Fascists and he was sent to Yakutsk prison in Siberia. His source told him that under Khrushchev the Soviet policy towards foreign prisoners had gradually become liberal and had Nehru made a formal request during his Moscow visit in June 1955, then Netaji's release from Yakutsk prison would have been possible. His source told him that private efforts in this matter would yield no result in Soviet Union and Netaji's release from prison could be secured only through discussions between both the Governments. He then went to the Indian Embassy and raised Netaji's matter only to be bluntly told by a senior official not to pay heed to such rumours and raising such issues could make relations between India and Soviet Union bitter. All his counter arguments fell on deaf ears. The Military Attaché to the Indian mission told him that he would discuss the matter at his level though it came under the purview of the Ministry of External Affairs. Disheartened by the attitude of the Indian Embassy staff and on being refused a tourist visa for the Siberian region, he proceeded to Central Asia to spend some time with his old Comintern colleagues. He returned to Moscow on the eve of the October Russian Festival and again met his source who warned him this time that continuing with the probe could land him into trouble and he could be sent off to the Siberian prison to live with Netaji. Under such circumstances he would never be able to see the outside world and people in his country would not know what happened to him. His source told him that the secret police had already taken note of his suspicious activities and in Soviet Union it was a crime to support a Fascist. His source further told him that he was being accused of giving anti-Soviet speech in the parliament and of being an agent of the capitalists. His source gave him papers necessary to exit the Soviet Union and advised him to leave on the next available flight to Kabul. Faced with such a threat from the Soviets and non-cooperation from the Indian embassy, he was forced to stop his inquiry midway and return to India.

Dr. Satyanarayan Sinha was a man of conscience and when he realised that conducting any further probe in Moscow would yield no result, he decided to write the book to generate public opinion on this issue. The catch is that according to information made available in public domain, Abani Mukherji was executed by the firing squad on 28 October 1937 during the Great Purge but his death was only acknowledged by the Soviet Union after 1955. Unfortunately the author is not present to answer that why he claimed in his book, the first edition of which was published in July 1965, that Netaji and Abani Mukherji were imprisoned in adjacent cells in Yakutsk prison in Siberia if the latter had died in 1937. But then as per official information available in public domain Netaji died on 18 August 1945. Hence unless wrong information about Abani Mukherji's death was deliberately released, another explanation could be that he cooked up the story to cover up his actual sources.

Dr. Satyanarayan Sinha was fluent in many foreign languages and he had befriended several Russian and German spies in course of his adventurous career which included a stint in the Soviet Army in the 1930s. He was summoned before the Khosla Commission and under oath he testified that Netaji did not die in the plane crash and was imprisoned by the Soviets in Siberia. He said that he came to know in 1950 in Leipzig, Germany, from Karl Leonhard who was a former Abwehr spy and had served time in Siberia, that Netaji was a prisoner. He claimed that he spoke to Nehru in 1950 and then again in 1951 on this subject, but Nehru seemed to be disinterested and dismissed it as American propaganda. He claimed that he also raised the issue with Radhakrishnan in 1951, who warned him that any further probe in the matter could harm his career. He said that a former NKVD agent Kozlov, who was sent to Siberia as a Trotskyist but rehabilitated later by the Soviet government, had told him in 1954 in Moscow, that Netaji was lodged in cell number 45 of Yakutsk prison. He said that he did not appear before the Shah Nawaz Committee in 1956 because of a rebuke from Nehru after an open debate in the parliament in 1954 branding him as an American agent. He told the Khosla Commission that he could provide the number of British military mission papers of Berlin that indicated Netaji referred to as 'quisling' and 'traitor' did not die in the alleged plane crash but was suffering at the hands of the Russians which the British thought he deserved. He asked the Khosla Commission whether he could quote at least three lines from classified Soviet intelligence documents that he had accessed but it appears from the proceedings that the commission was not interested in listening to what the documents had to say about Netaji and the topic was changed. He submitted some photographs to the Khosla Commission marking the Taihoku runway and claimed that the earlier plane crash photographs shown to the public could be fakes because the Keelung River was missing in their frame, but the commission again changed the topic. He told the Khosla Commission that he did not believe that the government wanted matters regarding Netaji to come out in the public domain. He also told the Khosla Commission that Nehru was the only person who could repatriate Netaji and that he was making the charges with full responsibility. It appears from the proceedings that the Khosla Commission had received overwhelming evidence from him but mysteriously decided not to probe his testimony. The Justice Mukherjee Commission, constituted later, was dismayed by the sheer negligence of the Khosla Commission which omitted several crucial leads that he provided to unravel the Netaji mystery.

Professor of International Relations at Kolkata’s Jadavpur University and Netaji researcher Dr. Purabi Roy, who has made several trips to Russia to unravel bits of information and piece together clues that could someday help solve the puzzle, is confident that Netaji was in Soviet Union between 1945 till at least 1956, three years after Stalin's death. She claims that her friend Alexander Kolesnikov, a retired Major General of the Warsaw Pact, had told her in private that he had seen a file that referred to a meeting in October 1946 between Stalin, Molotov, Vischenskii and Malik in which they discussed where to keep Chandra Bose. Unfortunately when Kolesnikov was summoned before the Justice Mukherjee Commission, he had ducked out. The Russian Government had curtly informed New Delhi that he was “untraceable” even though it came to be known that he was ordered abroad on a diplomatic posting just on the eve of his appearance. Three other Russian scholars namely E. M. Komorov, V. K. Touradjev and A. V. Raikov who had earlier told her about Netaji's presence in Soviet Union and called at her insistence to depose before the commission turned hostile and disavowed all statements about Netaji attributed to them by her. She claims that Stalin discussed with Shripad Amrit Dange during a meeting in Moscow in 1951 about how Nehru and the communists would treat Netaji if he returned to India post-independence. Dange later narrated details of the meeting to his daughter Shailja in Moscow. Shailja has so far refrained from making any public statement or presenting any evidence in this regard. According to Dr. Purabi Roy, Stalin did not like Nehru, and hence the latter never visited Moscow as long as the former was alive. She cites an interaction between freedom fighter Aruna Asaf Ali and Stalin in Moscow in 1951 when on being asked by the Russian leader to build the Indian communist party independently and move away from Nehru's influence, Asaf Ali replied in negative that Nehru was a socialist who hosted tea parties where all problems could be discussed and provided all aid including financial to the communist party in India. She claims that Stalin's distinct displeasure at the answer is evident from the shorthand jottings of Balabushevich, his private secretary on Indian affairs that show a red cross left on the reply. She has maintained that Netaji was held captive either at Siberian town Omsk or Peredelkino. She believes that conspirators against Netaji gained force after Stalin's death in March 1953. The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of Soviet Union in February 1956 known for Nikita Khrushchev's secret speech denouncing the personality cult and dictatorship of Stalin was a turning point in Soviet politics. Around that time the Netaji trail went cold and she believes that Netaji died in the Soviet Union. It could be more than just a coincidence that the Congress set up the Shah Nawaz Committee in the same year to probe Netaji's death.

Dr. Purabi Roy believes the Communist Party of India, Communist Party of Soviet Russia and the Congress were co-conspirators in Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose's disappearance and holds all three responsible for the mystery that shrouds the enigmatic leader to this day. She claims that All India Forward Bloc leader Chitta Basu received a document from Soviet military archives on Netaji's whereabouts but the document mysteriously disappeared after Basu's equally mysterious death while travelling on the Rajdhani Express. She is of the opinion that the truth will emerge if Soviet intelligence files on Netaji are released by Russia on being approached by the Indian government as post Soviet-disintegration the Russians have begun acknowledging acts that were denied in the past. She specifically refers to the cases of Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg's disappearance from Budapest in 1945 and the massacre of 22,000 Polish officers in April and May 1940 in the Katyn forest where the Soviets denied any involvement for decades. They had denied any hand in Wallenberg's disappearance and blamed the Germans for the Katyn massacre. Later the Russian Federation had accepted responsibility. However she warns that the Russians accustomed to secrecy, may accept Netaji's presence in the country but leave a lot of questions unanswered. The day the Russian government decides to speak, it will in all probability just state that the end came there and no more. But even to get there, the Indian Prime Minister needs to pursue the matter with the Russian President.

Dr. Purabi Roy faced many hurdles in the course of her research work. She was denied access to the West Bengal State archives. While working at the Russian archives as she reached a stage when the documents were throwing up interesting links related to Netaji, a sudden decision by the Asiatic Society Council, apparently due to the lack of interest of members close to Congress and Left Front, led to the discontinuation of the project midway. Unknown persons bullied her over telephone. On one occasion strangers opposed to her Soviet theory threw chairs at her at a function but luckily she escaped unhurt. Attempts were made by Government agencies to confiscate the manuscripts of her book 'The Search for Netaji: New Findings' which explores the Soviet angle to the Netaji mystery and intimidate her publisher to prevent the publication of the book. Resisting such attempts she had to get the book published in such a hurry that the first edition missed the 'content' and 'index' which later had to be inserted in the subsequent editions. Finally when the book was published, reputed book stores in Kolkata were unofficially instructed by authorities to keep the book off their shelves making it unavailable to public. A quick search for her book on Flipkart and Amazon at the time of writing this article returned 'out of stock' and 'currently unavailable' respectively as results and I leave it to readers' imagination to form their opinion.

Rathin Maharaj whose monastic name is Jyotiranand Maharaj, the in-charge of the Ramakrishna Mission's Moscow chapter, had claimed that Netaji had spent his last years in misery in a Siberian prison in the inauguration meeting of 'Netaji Mela' in Karimganj, Assam in 2013. He had said that a researcher, who interacted with him regularly in Moscow, had seen documents in the Russian archives that pointed at a conspiracy theory, apart from the fact that Netaji had been lodged in a prison in Siberia. However the documents mysteriously vanished from the Russian archives before the Mukherjee Commission went there for its probe. He also claimed that a particular Russian researcher who had evidence of Netaji's presence in Russia after the alleged plane crash in Taihoku refused to appear before the Mukherjee Commission in Moscow. Although the Ramkrishna Mission distanced itself from his comments, his comments should not be ignored as he had interacted with researchers over the years and there is a possibility of them opening up to him and revealing facts which they wouldn’t otherwise.

Dr. Subramanian Swamy of BJP who has served as a member of the Planning Commission of India and Cabinet Minister of India alleged that Netaji was hanged or suffocated to death in captivity in Siberia sometime around 1953. He has further claimed that the-then Indian Prime Minister Nehru was aware about Netaji being held captive in Siberia.

Author and military analyst Major General Gagandeep Bakshi (Retd.) has publicly claimed that Netaji was let down by the Soviets who put him into a Siberian prison where he was tortured and brutally killed.

Though versions vary, many people have claimed that Netaji met his end in Soviet Union and there cannot be smoke without fire.

Although the Soviet Union established diplomatic relations with India before 1947, Stalin and his supporters never quite understood this country. Stalin called India’s independence a 'political farce' and believed India was still being ruled indirectly by British colonialists. He considered Nehru an agent of the Capitalists. He had refused to meet Nehru's sister Vijayalakshmi Pandit who was the Indian Ambassador to Moscow from 1947 to 1949. It is noteworthy that Kirill Novikov, the first Soviet envoy to India, took a bold position in favour of Nehru as a pro-Socialist mass leader with great authority in this country which was not being run indirectly by the erstwhile British rulers contradicting the Soviet Supremo. Novikov emphasised on the need to develop a mutually beneficial Soviet-Indian partnership in his report presented on 05 July, 1949 to the Foreign Policy Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Later Stalin gave an audience to Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, who was the Indian Ambassador to Moscow from 1949 to 1952. After Stalin's death, a cordial relationship between the two countries began with a visit by Nehru to the Soviet Union in June 1955 and Khrushchev's return trip to India along with Bulganin in November 1955. While in India, Khrushchev announced that the Soviet Union supported Indian sovereignty over the disputed territory of the Kashmir region and over Portuguese coastal enclaves such as Goa. Meanwhile, Indo-US relations had cooled and the Soviet Union stepped in with military, technological and economical aid. They needed an ally in this part of the world as the US was backing Pakistan. The Soviet Union declared its neutrality during the 1959 border dispute and the Sino-Indian war of October 1962. India started buying Soviet arms in 1963 on a large scale when Nehru was Prime Minister. As bilateral trade and cooperation between the countries grew, India became the second largest market in the world for the Russian defence industry.

In all probability, the lure of Soviet Union may have proved fatal to Netaji. He was an enemy to the British and the Americans and unwanted by the Indian Congress leaders as well as their Communist counterparts. When Netaji fled from India in 1941 his first preference was to seek Soviet support for the Indian freedom struggle but they did not respond and he had to turn to Germany. After the WWII, the Soviets may have been unsure for some time about how to deal with him in view of the international political situation. Later in the new era of Indo-Soviet bonhomie he might have become expendable.

Some critics cite lack of clinching evidence to oppose the theory that Netaji died in captivity in Soviet Union. But then the evidence has been suppressed by Governments and just because evidence is difficult to obtain, the theory cannot be dismissed. Some critics argue that Netaji was provided 'political asylum' by Soviet Union in Siberia. But then the Siberian prisons, recognized as a major instrument of political repression in the Soviet Union that housed a wide range of convicts, from petty criminals to political prisoners and characterized by hard labour, poor nutrition and living conditions, high mortality rate of inmates and given the extremely hostile terrain and climatic conditions of the region, were hardly the right place to accommodate a 'political refugee' or a guest. Some critics argue that Netaji was pro-Soviet and they could not have killed him. But then Soviet Union was a totalitarian state that was exploitative and cruel and where human life had little value. For example during the Great Purge of 1937 and 1938, as per declassified Soviet archives the NKVD detained 15,48,366 persons on charges of being enemies of the state, of whom 6,81,692 were shot that makes an average of 1,000 executions a day, and some experts claim that the actual number of deaths were two and half times higher than the official estimate. Millions of Soviets were convicted by simplified procedures, such as NKVD troikas and other instruments of extrajudicial punishment and sent to the Siberian Gulags to perform forced labour. Many died of exhaustion and sickness and prisoners were often shot dead for not working hard enough. Those who perished during the Great Purge or in the Gulags of Soviet Union were mostly their own people. Hence Netaji may have fallen victim to the Soviet penal system. He may have languished in a Siberian prison, with nobody to plead for him and his countrymen in dark about his whereabouts.

As Netaji's whereabouts since his disappearance after the alleged plane crash remained a riddle, sensational stories bordering on fiction and wild speculation have been doing the rounds all these years. Books laden with absurd and imaginary tales have flooded the market. The Gumnami Baba theory alarmingly 'for some reason' is being pushed in the media in recent times. Although there is a 'body of evidence' and 'testimonies' from eye witnesses to support this hypothesis, there are glaring discrepancies as well that need to be investigated. Many researchers believe that Gumnami Baba was Netaji in disguise and it seems that an attempt is now being made to convince the public that this is indeed what happened.

There is a view that the phenomenon of 'Gumnami Baba' was probably a government ploy to trivialize Netaji's disappearance mystery and throw the public off the scent of Russian angle. It could be a carefully crafted hoax around a lookalike made to play the role of 'I may be Netaji' saga and may have included planting of personal items like handwritten notes, maps, books, newspapers, family photos, watches etc. and creation of false testimonies to make the act more realistic. Whenever Government agencies are involved in a cover-up wonders can happen. This could be an initiative to create a diversion with an alternative theory and confuse the public. As Karl Marx said "religion is the opium of the people" this theory also readily found many takers. It also provided many authors the much needed ingredients for creating emotionally compelling and dramatic plots for writing books and needless to say that book business has flourished. Such ingredients were missing in case of the Russian theory. If people, who refused to accept the plane crash theory, could be tricked into believing that Netaji returned to India secretly and spent the rest of his life as a recluse monk at his own free will then it would be far less damaging than people coming to know that he died miserably in a Soviet prison. Then all conspirators including the foreign countries would be exonerated of any complicity in his suffering and eventual death. There is a saying in Bengali which when translated into English roughly stands as 'killing the snake without breaking the stick' and that is how it would be. If the plane crash theory does not work then this could be the second best possible theory for a cover-up of what really happened to Netaji.

I am not trying to convince anyone to believe in any particular theory. I am merely sharing my opinion along with facts that are true to the best of my knowledge.

At this juncture, I would ask everyone a simple question: If a wrong theory gets established, then will it not be a greater injustice to Netaji than what has already been done?

Hence I would urge all true Netaji followers who are non-researchers, to think rationally and pursue the matter with an open mind free from any kind of bias. We need to see what comes out from the files that are released by the Central Government from 23 January 2016 onwards. All information should be subjected to strict scrutiny by historians and researchers and all further investigations necessary should be carried out. When clinching evidence is obtained that is beyond any doubt, only then any conclusion should be reached.

The onus is now entirely on PM Narendra Modi. He had said on 14 October 2015 "There is no need to strangle history. Nations that forget their history lack the power to create it." The world has seen him rise from a tea vendor to the chair of the Prime Minister of this great nation. Now it is time for him to demonstrate that he can rise further by bringing an end to this mystery and giving Netaji the true honour and place in history that he deserves. Present and future generations of Indians need to get inspired by the patriotism and sacrifice of this national hero of the highest order to build a stronger nation.

PM Narendra Modi has launched the 'Make in India' initiative to encourage manufacturing industry, but he has to 'Make India' and India shall make the rest.

Though I do not question Netaji's spirituality, I do not want him to be turned forcibly into a GOD MAN for his idol to be worshiped in any brick and mortar temple. I shall be content knowing that he was a GOOD MAN and he should remain in the hearts and minds of people.

Let the truth prevail. There should be NO DECEPTION, NO COVER-UP this time.

Jai Hind!

Sign this petition to support the cause



Related Posts:
  1. A Russian Tribute to Netaji Subhas
  2. Free Indian Legionnaires ordered to surrender to the Russians

3 comments:

  1. I would like to learn more about the glaring discrepancies in the Gumnami Baba theory. What are they?

    ReplyDelete
  2. Let us wait for a while. Gumnami Baba's belongings are being opened and an inventory is being made. There should be a thorough investigation into this matter.

    ReplyDelete
  3. I do not know whether truth will come out about the most revered per-independence leader of the country. It is unfortunate that politics which ought to be for general welfare is so dirty that freedom fighters were/are ignored and are left to perish.

    ReplyDelete